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Defending rights and realising just economies: Human rights defenders and business (2015-2024)

Over the past decade, human rights defenders (HRDs) have courageously organised to stop corporate abuse and prevent business activities from causing harm – exposing human rights and environmental violations, demanding accountability, and advocating for rights-respecting economic practices. From Indigenous Peoples protecting forests from mining activities to journalists exposing health and environmental harms related to logging to workers advocating for better conditions in the garment sector, HRDs are at the forefront of creating a more equitable, sustainable and abundant world where rights are protected, people and nature thrive, and just economies can flourish.

Every one of us has the right to take action to protect our rights and environments and contribute to creating a more just and equitable world, and yet those who do often face great risk. Businesses have the responsibility to respect human rights, including the right of all people to defend human rights. When companies fail to listen to HRDs, they lose important allies – people and groups fighting for transparency and accountability, and against corruption, which are all essential elements of an open and stable business operating environment. With authoritarianism on the rise, the imperative of realising a just global energy transition, and deepening inequality around the world, the role of business has rarely been so important – especially as HRDs pressing for rights-respecting corporate practice face increasing challenges.

From January 2015 to December 2024, the Business & Human Rights Resource Centre (the Resource Centre) recorded more than 6,400 attacks across 147 countries against people who voiced concerns about business-related risks or harms. This is close to two attacks on average every day over the past ten years. In 2024 alone, we tracked 660 attacks.

Key findings include:

  • Attacks against HRDs occurred in relation to almost every business sector in every region of the world.
  • Mining, agribusiness and fossil fuels were the sectors connected with the highest number of attacks.
  • Nearly three quarters of attacks targeted climate, land and environmental defenders. This includes a severe crackdown on the right to protest by governments across the globe.
  • One in five attacks were on Indigenous Peoples, despite comprising only 6% of the world’s population.
  • Latin America and the Caribbean and Asia and the Pacific have consistently been the most dangerous regions for HRDs raising concerns about corporate harm, accounting for close to three in four total attacks recorded.
  • There have been more than 530 instances of Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs) brought or initiated by private actors against HRDs raising concerns about business since 2015.
  • The highest numbers of attacks occurred when people raised concerns about social and environmental risks or harms associated with large business projects, and governments and/or companies attempted to suppress dissent. The projects associated with the highest number of attacks over the past decade have been the Lake Albert oil extraction and development project (which includes the East African Crude Oil Pipeline) (Uganda and Tanzania), Inversiones los Pinares (Honduras), Dakota Access Pipeline (USA), Las Bambas Mine (Peru) and Line 3 Pipeline (USA and Canada).
  • Attacks on HRDs and restrictions on civic freedoms are bad for business. They prevent companies and investors from accessing crucial information about human rights risks and impacts, increasing operational, financial and reputational risk.

Civic space – the environment that enables all of us to organise, participate, and communicate freely in our societies – has also continued to deteriorate over the past decade. According to Civicus, only 3.6% of the world’s population currently lives in countries with open civic space, where citizens and civil society organisations are able to organise, participate and communicate without restrictions. In every region, governments have abused their power to limit the civic freedoms of people advocating for responsible business practice by detaining journalists, passing restrictive legislation (such as foreign funding bills and critical infrastructure laws), criminalising and prosecuting HRDs, and using violent force at protests, among other actions.

This is harmful for business. Civic space restrictions create an ‘information black box,’ leaving companies and investors with gaps in knowledge about potential or actual negative human rights impacts, which can lead to legal, financial, reputational and other risks. Democracy and full enjoyment of civic freedoms are central to addressing the key challenges humanity faces and to sustainable economic growth – some economists have found that democratisation causes an increase in GDP per capita of between 20% and 25%. In addition, under the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGPs) and subsequent guidance, business actors also have a responsibility to respect human rights, which includes engaging in robust human rights due diligence that identifies and mitigates risks to civic freedoms and HRDs.

In our current context of continued erosion of democracy, deregulation, backlash against environmental, social and governance (ESG) concerns, increased conflict, and the weaponsation of both law and technology against human rights defence, HRDs remind us to transcend polarisation and persist in realising a more just and abundant future for us all. Key wins over the past decade include a legally binding instrument to protect environmental defenders, regulations to curb strategic lawsuits against public participation, and important victories advancing corporate accountability following advocacy and judicial efforts. Representatives from Indigenous communities have shared a powerful vision for a rights-respecting energy transition – an essential framework for the future. They are innovating, at times together with progressive businesses, to bring about transformative new business models designed to deliver shared prosperity in alignment with Indigenous Peoples’ self-determined priorities.

Between January 2015 and December 2024, the Resource Centre documented more than 6,400 cases of attacks globally against HRDs challenging corporate harm. These attacks were against Indigenous Peoples, youth leaders, elders, women defenders, journalists, environmental defenders, communities, non-profit organisations and others, negatively affecting tens of thousands of people.

This is just the tip of the iceberg. Our research is based on publicly available information, and given the severity of civic space restrictions in some countries and security concerns, many attacks go unreported. In addition, governments are largely failing in their duty to monitor attacks. In countries and regions where few attacks are documented, this does not mean that violence against defenders is nonexistent, but rather that the information is not accessible. Learn more about our research methodology.

Restrictions on civic space helped to facilitate these attacks. Other drivers included weak rule of law and unaccountable governance, economic models focused on profit maximisation through unsustainable resource extraction, racism and discrimination, and lack of consultation with potentially affected stakeholders.

“I routinely hear from Indigenous defenders working in isolated, remote or rural areas that businesses and governments do not consult with them properly – and that their right to give or withhold their free, prior and informed consent for activities negatively affecting their lives or their territories is either manipulated or ignored. Some attacks are committed by agents acting for businesses, others by government authorities and businesses acting together.”

Mary Lawlor, UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders

Latin America and the Caribbean and Asia and the Pacific have consistently been the most dangerous regions for HRDs raising concerns about corporate harm, accounting for close to three in four (71%) attacks in the past decade. Africa follows with 583 instances of attacks – close to a third of these occurred in Uganda.

In Latin America, the majority of attacks are concentrated in six countries that account for 35% of all attacks globally – Brazil (473), Mexico (455), Honduras (418), Colombia (331), Peru (299) and Guatemala (256). Despite comprising only 0.1% of the world’s population, 6.5% of attacks took place in Honduras. In Asia, the highest number of attacks occurred in the Philippines (411), India (385), Cambodia (279) and Indonesia (216).

Another trend is an increase in attacks in the United Kingdom, where 91% of attacks have been judicial harassment (arrests, criminal charges and SLAPPs). Attacks in the UK notably increased from seven in 2022 to 21 in 2023 – the same year the UK Government’s Public Order Act, which significantly increased the police’s power to respond to protests, came into force, undermining freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association. Attacks further increased in 2024 to 34. Almost all of these attacks were against people raising concerns about the fossil fuel sector.

Attacks target individuals, organisations and communities, causing physical harm, draining resources and obstructing human rights work. They can also have a chilling effect on civic space and weaken the social fabric vital for resistance, community cohesion, and an inclusive and peaceful society. In addition to harming physical security, attacks can also negatively affect HRDs’ mental, emotional and economic well-being.

Since 2015, the Resource Centre has tracked 5,323 non-lethal attacks on HRDs challenging corporate harm. Through our research and collective work with the ALLIED Coalition, we have also identified numerous cases of escalations and cyclical attacks against HRDs where threats and judicial harassment precede physical violence.

Escalation of attacks: Tumandok Peoples’ opposition to dam project

Co-authored with ALLIED and ANGOC

The Tumandok People are an Indigenous group whose ancestral lands in the Philippines have been targeted for numerous private and public development projects, driving ongoing conflict for the community. Community members have actively opposed the Jalaur River Multipurpose Project (JRMP) II infrastructure project, which includes the construction of a dam that would displace Indigenous villages and proceed without their FPIC. Daewoo Engineering & Construction Co. Ltd was awarded the construction contract and the project is supported by Export-Import Bank of Korea.

Numerous attacks have been carried out against community members who voiced opposition to this project. This cyclical violence against the Tumandok is reflected in data from the Asian NGO Coalition for Agrarian Reform and Rural Development (ANGOC), ALLIED and other sources.

We invited Export-Import Bank of Korea and Daewoo E&C to respond. Export-Import Bank’s full response to the killing of HRDs in December 2020 is available here. Daewoo E&C did not respond.

Killings and disappearances

Over the past decade, we documented close to 1,100 killings of HRDs who bravely spoke out against corporate harm. In 2024 alone, we recorded the murders of 52 people.

We commemorate the lives, courage and vital work of these HRDs and their communities. While governments have a duty to investigate these murders, the majority of attacks  – both lethal and non-lethal – go uninvestigated and unpunished, fostering a culture of impunity that only emboldens further violence.

Indigenous defenders are particularly at risk. Close to a third (31%) of those killed were Indigenous defenders. Most of the killings of Indigenous defenders occurred in Latin America, as well as the Philippines.

We also tracked 116 abductions and disappearances, which leave families and communities bereft, in the dark as to the safety and whereabouts of their loved one. Most took place in Mexico and the Philippines.

Disappearence of two defenders in Mexico

Co-authored with Global Rights Advocacy

The mining sector is the most dangerous sector for HRDs in Mexico. Over the past decade, a quarter of attacks were against HRDs raising concerns about mining; 40% of those attacks were killings. In the coastal mountains of Michoacán, there is powerful resistance by Indigenous Peoples to mining, amidst a generalised atmosphere of violence. Indigenous Peoples are defending their territories against private interests and organised crime, facing criminalisation, persecution, aggression and killings.

Antonio Díaz Valencia, an Indigenous community leader and teacher, and Ricardo Arturo Lagunes Gasca, a lawyer from the Michoacán Nahua community of Aquila, had been working together to protect the community of San Miguel de Aquila from alleged abuses by mining company Ternium. Ternium is incorporated in Luxembourg and is a subsidiary of Italian-Argentinian company Technit Group, one of the largest steel producers in Latin America. The community of San Miguel de Aquila has raised environmental concerns about Ternium’s operations for years, as well as the limited benefits the community has received from mining operations in the area.

The Nahua community, through the voice of its leader Antonio Díaz Valenciaíaz Valencia, claimed prior to the disappearances that the company has not complied with the established agreements, including the agreed payment of compensation to the community.

They also alleged that Ternium is using land for purposes other than those established, such as the exploitation of a property that they had agreed to use as a waste deposit.

"My papa has been a social activist his entire life. He is an activist for the rights of Indigenous Peoples, especially the Nahua people, to whom we belong. He is a person very, very loved and known throughout the region for the work he has done. He has basically given his entire life to this region. It is what he loves the most." – Keivan Diaz Valencia, grandson of Antonio Diaz

On 15 January 2023, after winning lawsuits that would allow a democratic election of communal authorities and set the agenda for mining development, Antonio and Ricardo were forcibly disappeared. Their vehicle was found after they participated in a community assembly discussing these issues, with flat tires and bullet marks. Despite numerous forensic findings, the HRDs’ whereabouts remain unknown.

For over four years, the HRDs fought in courts to protect the rights of the Nahua community of Aquila. Both defenders reported different kinds of threats, including being followed by armed men. During a community assembly in December 2022, with company managers present, both HRDs allegedly received threats that they would be forcibly disappeared if they continued to speak out against Ternium. Ricardo was also part of a government protection mechanism for HRDs due to his work protecting Indigenous rights. Additionally, in December 2022, Antonio sent a letter to then-Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, accusing Ternium of paying armed forces to attack and repress members of the Aquila community.

Families and advocates demand a broader investigation into the context of violence against environmental defenders, and the role of security forces, state authorities, and the company Ternium. Ongoing violence and threats against witnesses, family members, and lawyers heighten risks, making urgent humanitarian action essential.

To that end, the families and their representatives created the Mecanismo Independiente de Recuperación Humanitaria para Antonio y Ricardo (MIRHAR), and through multilateral diplomacy are seeking collaboration from Luxembourg, the United States, and Ternium to find the truth. They are also demanding that Mexico reinstall the agreed upon high level task force to implement recommendations from the United Nations Committee on Enforced Disappearances and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.

The Resource Centre invited Ternium and Techint Group to respond to allegations raised by the community and to the disappearances of Antonio and Ricardo. Ternium denied all allegations; its full response is available here and prior responses are available here. Techint Group did not respond.

"We are trying to carry on, to stay healthy so that we can continue because we don't know how long it will take. We won't stop looking for him – not for a second do we forget that he is not with us. And that they have done things to him. That is driving us crazy." – Ana Lucía Lagunes Gasca, Ricardo's sister

Gustavo Vilchis

Judicial harassment

Many governments are not only neglecting their duty to protect human rights, but are also weaponising the legal system to attack defenders, enabling private actors to do the same. Over the past decade more than half of the attacks we tracked constituted judicial harassment (3,311), which includes arbitrary detention, abusive subpoenas, strategic Lawsuits against Public Participation (SLAPPs) and criminal prosecution.

In the past ten years, we have recorded over 530 instances of SLAPPs – both civil and criminal lawsuits – brought or initiated by private actors since 2015 against HRDs raising concerns about business. During 2024, we identified 26 cases that bear the hallmarks of SLAPPs. Latin America has been consistently the region with the highest number of SLAPP cases (191), with Honduras (46) and Peru (46) leading the region. A significant number of cases have been recorded in the United States of America (55), Thailand (54), and Cambodia (32) as well. Sixty-nine percent of these SLAPPs included criminal charges that could involve long prison sentences. The mining sector is responsible for almost a third (31%) of the total number of SLAPPs.

Strategic lawsuits against public participation masquerade as legitimate legal actions but are actually an abuse of the legal system, draining public resources and eroding public trust in judicial integrity. This misuse of the legal system serves private interests at the expense of legitimate human rights work. Our research reveals that the most common charges relate to libel and defamation, damages, incitement to commit a felony, instigating a strike, computer-related crimes, anti-boycott laws, racketeering and conspiracy. The consequences for such offences and crimes often involve severe monetary compensations, lengthy prison sentences, and allow for pretrial detention measures, incarcerating HRDs during proceedings, which can last for years.

The recent ruling against Greenpeace in the United States, widely considered to bear the hallmarks of a SLAPP, is one example. On 20 March 2025, a North Dakota jury ruled in favour of fossil fuel company Energy Transfer and found Greenpeace liable for defamation and other claims in connection with protests led by Indigenous Peoples against the Dakota Access Pipeline. The case took eight years and resulted in a jury deciding that Greenpeace entities should pay the multi-billion dollar company over $660 million in damages.

“This case should alarm everyone, no matter their political inclinations. It is part of a renewed push by corporations to weaponize our courts to silence dissent. We should all be concerned about the future of the First Amendment, and lawsuits like this aimed at destroying our rights to peaceful protest and free speech.”
– Sushma Raman, Interim Executive Director of Greenpeace USA

The Resource Centre invited Energy Transfer to respond; the company’s full response is available here.

Crackdown on public protest and civil disobedience

“The exercise of the right to peaceful assembly is one of the most important tools people have for advocating for more effective and equitable climate action and environmental protection.” – Clement Voule, Former U.N. special rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and association

Over the past decade, as the devastating impacts of the climate crisis have become clearer, people across the globe have organised, protested, and engaged in direct action to stop fossil fuel projects and urge a transition to renewable energy. In response to this powerful mobilisation, often led by Indigenous Peoples and youth, governments have intensified restrictions on the right to protest. This crackdown has taken many forms, including criminalising non-violent protest action, passing critical infracture laws designed to protect fossil fuel projects, increasing operational and administrative burdens for civil society organisations, engaging in surveillance of protestors, stigmatising people as “terrorists” or “anti-development”, fast-tracking projects without meaningful community consultation, and restricting freedom of expression and access to information. This suppression of the rights to peaceful assembly, to protest, and to participate in public life has occurred in both democractic and autocratic societies and can have a chilling effect on sharing information about human rights and environmental risks related to business projects.

Engaging in civil disobedience – acts of deliberate law-breaking concerning matters of public interest conducted publicly and non-violently, such as blocking roads and traffic, occupying government officials’ offices, and physically attaching oneself to company equipment – is a form of exercising the rights to freedom of expression and freedom of peaceful assembly guaranteed by articles 19 and 21 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).

Respect for these fundamental rights is vital for a just energy transition, among other business and human rights issues. Consultations prior to commencing business operations are often insufficient, with protest becoming one of the only avenues to highlight risks and harms associated with projects.

Yet, many governments opt to suppress the right to peaceful assembly rather than address the underlying human rights and environmental abuses driving people to protest. In recent years, we have recorded numerous instances of attacks on people protesting fossil fuel projects and urging climate action, including across Europe and the UK. Recent research by the University of Bristol found that British police arrest environmental protesters at nearly three times the global average rate, revealing the country as a world leader in the legal crackdown on climate activism.

Another example was the government crackdown on widespread protests in Panama following the National Assembly's approval of a contract for copper extraction in Central America's largest open-pit copper mine, operated by Minera Panamá, a subsidiary of Canada's First Quantum Minerals. At least 30 people were arrested, 21 were charged with terrorism, including Damaris Sánchez Samudio. and several people were injured, including journalist and activist Aubrey Baxter, who lost an eye due to excessive use of police force. Abdiel Díaz and Iván Rodríguez were shot and killed by a gunman in November 2023 and Tomás Milton Cedeño García was also killed. The Resource Centre previously invited Minera Panamá and First Quantum Minerals to respond; they did not.

Many attacks involve collusion between state, business enterprises and other non-state actors, and perpetrators are often hard to identify.

Based on public sources, our data shows that state actors – including police officers, local authorities, armed forces and the judiciary – are the most common direct perpetrator of attacks on HRDs, often prioritising economic profits over human rights and benefiting business actors.

States

States have the primary obligation to protect HRDs – under international law they are required to respect, protect and fulfil the human rights of individuals within their territory and/ or jurisdiction. According to the UNGPs and their subsequent guidance, this includes protecting against human rights abuses by business actors. This requires taking appropriate steps to prevent, investigate, punish and redress such abuse through effective policies, legislation, regulations and adjudication.

Yet states are not only failing in their duty to protect against human rights abuses by business, they are often perpetrators of attacks on HRDs themselves, such as by arresting and charging people exercising their freedoms of expression and assembly at demonstrations against potentially harmful business projects.

Business enterprises

“Protecting and respecting human rights defenders is not an option, but an obligation, for States and business enterprises, respectively. The most wise, forward thinking and effective business enterprises will view human rights defenders as partners. They will engage with them early, and often... [T]hey will also find that it is in their own best interests, strengthening risk management overall, contributing to building trust and ultimately making a positive impact towards the rule of law and a rights-respecting environment amid growing threats to civic space.”UN Working Group on Business & Human Rights

Regardless of whether states are fulfilling their human rights obligations, companies have a responsibility to prevent and address human rights abuses in relation to their business activities and relationships. If business actors are causing or contributing to human rights abuse affecting HRDs, their responsibility is clear-cut: end the abuse and address and remedy any harm. Even in cases where there are no apparent direct links between companies or investors and attacks, business actors are expected to proactively use their leverage to promote respect for the rights of HRDs and civic freedoms. Corporate responsibility to respect human rights includes ongoing meaningful engagement with rightsholders, including HRDs, raising concerns about risks and harms related to their operations, value chains or business relationships. Failure to meaningfully engage rightsholders can lead to social unrest, conflicts, litigation and significant financial consequences for companies and investors.

Business enterprises should also have a policy commitment to respect the rights of HRDs that is approved at the most senior level with implementation overseen by the Board of Directors. However, our research found that only 51 out of 284 companies assessed by the Corporate Human Rights Benchmark (CHRB) and the Resource Centre’s Renewable Energy Benchmark have publicly committed to not tolerate or contribute to attacks against HRDs.

Only nine companies met all three CHRB criteria: commit not to tolerate or contribute to attacks, expect the same in their business relationships, and actively engage HRDs to create enabling environments. And only five mining companies have policy commitments to not tolerate or contribute to attacks on HRDs, and expect their business relationships to do the same, despite the highest number of attacks being related to this sector.

No mining company meets all three CHRB indicators, which is highly concerning given mining is the most dangerous sector for HRDs.

When operating or investing in environments with significant restrictions on civic space, business actors also have a discretionary opportunity to proactively support and uphold civic freedoms – and it is in their interest to do so. Contexts with open civic space are more likely to be stable, predictable operating environments. Civic space restrictions limit companies and investors’ knowledge about potential or actual negative human rights impacts, which can lead to legal, financial, reputational, and other risks. Actions companies can take to support open civic space include raising concerns about restrictions on civic freedoms in meetings with home and host government officials, engaging in collective action through business associations and multi-stakeholder initiatives, and signing public statements in support of HRDs and civic freedoms, among others.

Even when states are direct perpetrators, companies can be connected with attacks, such as by calling police or state security forces to disperse peaceful protests; providing governments with services or products enabling unlawful surveillance; and obstructing unionisation. Other tactics used by companies to gain control over land and resources, often leading to conflict and attacks, include dividing communities and engaging in inadequate consultation processes.

Corporate capture – when business actors use their political clout to influence the decision-making of states for their benefit over its citizens – is also widespread across the globe. This can include lobbying against environmental protection regulation, drafting legislation privately with lawmakers to limit the right to protest, and exploiting governance gaps for corporate benefit, among other actions. In addition, while restrictions on civic space and civil society increase across the globe, corporate actors benefit from incentives and frameworks that do not promote respect for human rights and decreasing regulation in many jursidictions. One example is Investor-State Dispute Settlements, a set of rules through which foreign investors can sue states if they take actions that negatively affect their investments, creating an incentive for governments to ignore community concerns about business projects and a chilling effect on governments' ability to govern in public interest, including by ensuring protections for HRDs.

Companies connected with the highest number of attacks

A specific company was mentioned in half of all attacks recorded since 2015. The highest number of attacks occurred in relation to business projects by companies headquartered in the United States, United Kingdom and Canada. Forty-four percent of attacks connected with US-headquarted companies took place domestically, followed by Peru and Mexico. Almost all of the attacks related to Canadian companies occurred in the Americas. 

Our research reveals that the highest numbers of attacks occurred when people raised concerns about social and environmental harms associated with large business projects and the state and operating companies cracked down people exercising their right to protest.

Over the past decade the projects associated with the highest number of attacks were Lake Albert oil extraction and development project (which includes the East African Crude Oil Pipeline) (Uganda and Tanzania), Inversiones los Pinares (Honduras), Dakota Access Pipeline (USA), Las Bambas Mine (Peru), and Line 3 Pipeline (USA and Canada). Click the cards below to explore details on attacks and these projects.

None of the companies involved in these projects have publicly available, company-wide policy commitments to not contribute to or tolerate attacks on HRDs. TotalEnergies EP Uganda has published a statement that it does not, “tolerate any threats, intimidation, harassment, or violence against those who peacefully and lawfully promote Human Rights in relation to our activities”. In the most recent edition of its Human Rights Briefing Paper, TotalEnergies states, “It is our view that an open civic space and the role of civil society organisations and other Human Rights defenders are necessary to ensure respect for Human Rights and to voice the concerns of right holders. As part of our activities, we promote dialogue and discussions with Human Rights defenders, as defined in the United Nations Declaration on Human Rights Defenders.”

Attacks on HRDs occur in relation to almost every business sector in every region of the world. Over the past decade, the sectors connected with the highest number of attacks have been mining (1,681), agribusiness (1,154), fossil fuels (792), renewable energy (454) and logging (359).

These five sectors are intimately connected to the climate crisis. Fossil fuels and the agribusiness sectors are the top polluting industries. Mining, agribusiness, fossil fuels and logging are leading drivers of deforestation.

In focus: Sectors

The following section provides additional information about three key sectors: 1) mining, which is the most dangerous for HRDs; 2) renewable energy, given the urgent need for an energy transition and the sector’s potential to engage in more responsibe practices; and 3) technology, as social media, spyware, and other technologies are being used to attack HRDs and many technology companies have largely ignored their responsibilities to respect the rights of HRDs.

SA mining cover image

Mining

SA mining cover image

Mining

The mining sector has consistently been the most dangerous for HRDs, with nearly 1,700 attacks over the past ten years. More than a third of HRDs who were murdered over the past decade were raising concerns about mining projects. Close to 40% of these 384 defenders were Indigenous.

In addition, 60% of attacks related to mining are concentrated in just seven countries: India (182), the Philippines (176), Peru (173), Honduras (141),  Mexico (119), Guatemala (110) and Colombia (104).

As the share of minerals used for the energy transition is growing, it is urgent to break the cycle of harmful practices. Over half of transition minerals are located on or near Indigenous Peoples' lands.

Our Transition Minerals Tracker, which tracks the human rights impacts of the extraction of key minerals in the energy transition, shows attacks often take place in the context of the development of a mining project when local communities’ concerns are disregarded in the consultation process and those defending them are repressed. There is a continuum of violence between the harms of mining projects on communities, negative impacts on the environments in which they live and attacks on community members raising concerns about those harms and advocating for protection of their rights.

Supply chains in the mining sector

Crackdowns on civic freedoms and the global rush to extract more minerals are breeding more conflict and further repression of HRDs. The horrific violence and humanitarian crisis in the Eastern Democractic Republic of Congo is linked to the extraction of coltan, which is used in a wide range of electronic devices. In Brazil, reports have identified companies potentially connected to gold illegally extracted from Indigenous Peoples’ land, including the Yanomami Indigenous Territory. The Resource Centre has tracked at least 16 attacks against the Yanomami Indigenous Peoples, who are facing a humanitarian crisis driven by the impacts of illegal mining activities. Copper – an essential mineral for electrification – has been associated with 87 attacks at large scale mining operations since 2015, including 21 SLAPPs. In India, in October 2023, a public consultation took place for the Sijimali Bauxite block in Odisha, which was awarded to Vedanta Limited earlier in the year, in a context of heavy police presence and following arrests of over 20 community leaders who had spoken out against the mine. In April 2024 the Resource Centre invited Vedanta Limited to respond; the company's full response is available here.

Globally, the recent surge in countries racing to secure critical minerals for renewable energy ambitions, aerospace and defense purposes is establishing a dangerous precedent for rapid mining expansion, often without sufficient regard for human rights, posing a substantial threat to HRDs and their communities. In 2024, we invited Vedanta Resources to respond to allegations of attacks on HRDs.

The significant scale of attacks on HRDs raising human rights and environmental concerns about mining operations shows a failure in the human rights due diligence efforts of mining companies as well as on the part of end users of those minerals. Civil society scrutiny and new regulations are needed to break this cycle of attacks. The automotive sector has faced longstanding scrutiny for human rights abuses in its supply chains, including child labour in Democratic Republic of Congo in cobalt mining. In 2023, the EU Battery Regulation introduced unprecedented due diligence requirements for battery mineral end-users, pushing companies toward greater transparency and accountability. Recent analyses show nascent but limited progress on responsible mineral sourcing policies in the automotive sector.

In 2024, the International Council on Mining and Metals (ICMM) committed to respect the rights of HRDs in its Mining Principles and added a HRDs tool to its human rights due diligence guidance for member companies. Another development was the release of guidance about HRDs by the Voluntary Principles Initiative on Security and Human Rights in December 2023. The Voluntary Principles Initiative is a membership-based global multi-stakeholder platform supporting the implementation of the Voluntary Principles, which are guidelines for extractive companies on how to keep their operations safe and secure while operating within a framework that respects human rights and fundamental freedoms. The new publication provides guidance for member companies, including mining companies,  on how to identify and reduce risks to HRDs, integrate findings of risk assessments and non-tolerance for attacks into security arrangements, respond when threats and attacks occur, and ensure that grievance mechanisms are safe for HRDs.

The real test will however be the implementation of these commitments, especially in the context of the ICMM and other busineess associations launching a consolidation of their standards into a single, global scheme, of which many in civil society have been critical.

Latin America wind turbine

Renewable energy

Latin America wind turbine

Renewable energy

This is a pivotal moment in the evolution of the global energy system. We have the chance to ensure a just transition by creating a new energy sector that upholds and promotes human rights.

This means that companies operating along the RE value chain have a responsibility to investigate, assess and mitigate the risks of negative human rights impacts associated with their business activities, including engaging with any partners involved with attacks. Attacks on HRDs are not only happening in the upstream part of the RE value chain, i.e. at the level of extraction of transition minerals, but also in relation to RE installations in all sub-sectors of RE – hydropower, wind, solar, geothermal and biofuel.

While some companies are setting examples of good practice, many are falling behind. Our Renewable Energy Benchmark revealed that three quarters of the top wind and solar project developers assessed have strong human rights policies in place aligned with the UNGPs. However, only two companies mention Indigenous Peoples’ rights or have related commitments that are not anchored in the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP).

Hydropower is – by a significant margin – the RE subsector connected to the highest number of attacks. The Resource Centre recognises many organisations and communities do not view large hydropower projects as a renewable source, due to its often severe social, cultural and environmental impacts. We include it within our analysis as it is part of many government climate action plans and to create a comprehensive overview of the salient risks related to the energy transition. However, the abuses revealed in our database  underline and confirm the very concerns that these groups have: over the past ten years, hydropower projects have been connected with nearly 365 attacks on HRDs, with more than 100 HRDs killed. The highest number of attacks related to hydropower projects occurred in Honduras, Guatemala, Mexico, Colombia, the Philippines and India.

These attacks commonly stem from people resisting forced displacement, harms to their livelihoods, access to water and culture, and not being included in decisions about projects that affect their lives in these profound ways. Conversely, Indigenous Peoples – in particular through the Right Energy Partnership with Indigenous Peoples – have been innovating with a more environmentally and socially responsible form of hydropower, setting up culturally appropriate and sustainable run-of-the-river micro-hydro systems in countries like Malaysia, Nepal and Cameroon.

The picture is less bleak when it comes to wind, solar and geothermal projects. Examples of inspiring Indigenous co-ownership in renewable projects demonstrate that, with the right regulatory framework and enabling environment for building equitable partnerships, business models are available that both empower people, avoid reputational and operational risks and conflicts, combat the climate crisis and advance Sustainable Development Goals. Moreover, it is encouraging that according to the latest edition of our Renewable Energy Benchmark, eight out of 28 of the world’s largest wind and solar companies have adopted public commitments to respect the rights of HRDs – compared to zero in the previous edition of our benchmark in 2021. This represents the biggest jump of any of the benchmarked categories and shows a growing commitment and awareness in this area. However, there is still a concerning gap between policy and practice and there remains significant room for improvement. Since 2015, we have tracked nearly 80 attacks on HRDs in relation to wind, solar, bioenergy and geothermal projects. Every one of these attacks is inexcusable: a tragedy for the individuals, movements, their families and communities, an abuse of human rights, and a direct threat to the just and equitable energy transition.

Phone records pro-Palestine protest in Jakarta, Indonesia, April 2024

Technology

Phone records pro-Palestine protest in Jakarta, Indonesia, April 2024

Technology

While the online space is vital to human rights defenders who use it to call out human rights abuses and environmental damage, we are seeing a deterioration in platforms’ measures to protect defenders and other high-risk users. Not only are HRDs being subjected to concerning levels of abuse online, but these online threats can translate into offline harms, including arrests and physical violence. We worry that as platforms scale down their safety and integrity measures and ignore these risks, HRDs will retreat from online spaces, making it easier for big polluters and human rights abusers to spread their false narratives.” – Chido Dunn, Global Witness

Over the past decade, the development and expansion of digital technologies has helped enable the vital work of HRDs – from monitoring abuse to transnational organising. However, these technologies have also given rise to new vulnerabilities and have been weaponised by states and non-state actors to target HRDs and their work. This includes taking down or censoring information shared by HRDs online; shutting down the internet to limit freedom of expression and online organising; engaging in intimidation, harassment, and smear campaigns against defenders on social media platforms; facilitating online gender-based violence against women and gender diverse HRDs; “doxxing” (publicly providing personal information online about people with malicious intent); spreading hate speech online leading to offline violence; and using spyware to monitor HRDs’ activities.

The situation is even more dire for HRDs operating in authoritarian regimes with weak rule of law, where digital tools have become instruments of repression rather than enablers of rights. Even in the past year there has been a seismic shift in the relationship between tech sector leaders and their commitment to human rights as major companies have rolled back protections for marginalised groups; gutted diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives; censored users speaking out about human rights violations in Palestine; reduced fact-checking; and reversed course on their ethical AI commitments.

The urgency of this issue is further compounded by the significant opacity of the tech sector, which fails to acknowledge and address its role in enabling human rights abuses. Between January 2013 and December 2023, the Resource Centre made over 700 invitations to more than 300 tech companies to respond to allegations of abuse. We received responses to only 48% – a significantly lower response rate than other business sectors. This lack of transparency not only enables impunity but also signals an unwillingness from tech companies to adequately engage in human rights due diligence. Defenders in the Global South have also shared numerous challenges related to engaging with technology companies on digital rights issues.

The Declaration+25, informed by consultations with over 700 HRDs, identified technology facilitated attacks on HRDs as a gap in the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders and a growing trend over the past decade. In late March 2025, the Human Rights Council, led by Norway, adopted a resolution that further develops States’ obligations to protect HRDs in the digital age, noting that the responsibilities of technology companies include anticipating and addressing harms related to the use of their products and services, and encourages business enterprises to carry out human rights due diligence in accordance with the UNGPs throughout the lifecycle and value chain of their services and products in order to identify, prevent and address potential risks to HRDs.

Our data reveals a persistent pattern of attacks on land and environmental defenders in the past decade, accounting for three quarters of all attacks. In 2024, 89% of the HRDs attacked were land and environmental defenders. In addition, 96% of Indigenous defenders experiencing attacks over the past decade were advocating for land and environmental rights, pointing to their leadership in protecting natural resources and the planet.

People organising for better working conditions, whether part of organised unions or general workforce, have also been under attack, with 965 attacks recorded. Our tracking does not include unfair dismissals, which is a common form of retaliation against workers and union leaders, suggesting that the real number of attacks is much higher. Most occurred in the clothing and textile, agribusiness and mining sectors.

“In Uzbekistan, several development finance institutions (DFIs) (European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, International Finance Corporation, and Asian Development Bank) financed the cotton company Indorama Agro, one of the country's largest cotton producers, despite reprisals perpetrated by the company, government officials and security services against workers, union members and human rights defenders… Security services, government officials and company representatives systematically threaten and harass workers and farmers who attempt to speak out, making it nearly impossible to document these rights violations… International organizations such as Uzbek Forum for Human Rights and CEE Bankwatch Network have raised these concerns with the DFIs financing the project, but to date, development banks have failed to take effective action to address these reprisals.” – Financing Repression report, Coalition for Human Rights in Development

The Resource Centre invited EBRD, IFC, and ADB to respond; responses from IFC,ADB, and EBRD are available here. Indorama Agro did not respond.

Journalists have also been targeted in nearly 600 attacks, comprising 9% of global cases. Nearly 40% of these took place in Asia and the Pacific, followed by 20% in Latin America. Most journalists were reporting on climate, land, and environmental issues (60%) or corruption (24%). In recent years, attacks on the press and media have intensified, severely restricting access to information and limiting public awareness of environmental destruction and corporate accountability. In Germany and Italy, for example, journalists were detained for reporting on climate protests by the environmental group Last Generation, which as been demonstrating against the use of fossil fuels.

In focus: Defenders at risk

This section provides additional information about the leadership of women, girls, and gender diverse defenders, Indigenous Peoples, and communities in defending human rights and the environment, as well as the rights violations and attacks they face.

Brazil Indigenous women's protest

Women, girls, and gender diverse defenders

Brazil Indigenous women's protest

Women, girls, and gender diverse defenders

Co-authored with Urgent Action Fund for Feminist Activism and Fondo de Acción Urgente para América Latina y el Caribe

“Initially, when I was writing articles on the mining issue, mining company representatives spoke to my relatives in my village – especially my brothers – to try to influence me to either retract or change the content of the articles… People connected to the mining company started following me… This included taking pictures of me in my house and publishing them on social media… In the posts, they said I was hosting the person who was investigating the mining project in my house, suggesting I was providing sexual services; people wrote things like, “She is a whore.” Because the company had a lot of financial resources, they promoted this really nasty content as ads on social media using fake profiles and fake pages… In the end, nobody was held accountable.”Woman journalist and environmental human rights defender, highlighted in Urgent Action Fund’s Feminist Activism Without Fear Campaign

Across the globe, women, girls and gender diverse defenders are organising and taking action to address climate, political and humanitarian crises and protect their communities, lands, territories and resources from corporate harm. While defenders of all genders are targeted due to their human rights work, women, girls and gender diverse defenders may experience different types of attacks and face risks in different spheres as they challenge both corporate power and patriarchal gender norms in society, their organisations and their communities. Among these HRDs, the risks are even higher for those who are most marginalised by systems of oppression on the basis of race, ethnicity, ability and other identities, such as Indigenous and Afro-descendant women. They face greater barriers to protection and resources to prevent, mitigate and heal from threats and harm.

Nafisa Ferdous

Nafisa Ferdous

Attacks against women, girl, and gender diverse defenders include online threats of a gendered and sexualised nature, sexual violence, smear campaigns aimed at damaging their reputations, harassment within their organisations, and intimate partner and family violence related to their defence of human rights outside the home. Across all regions, growing right-wing fundamentalist and authoritarian movements have intensified and normalised this violence from both state and non-state actors. These tactics are meant to stigmatise, isolate and silence these defenders, making them more vulnerable to backlash. As women and gender diverse defenders are more likely to be responsible for caring for families, communities and organisations, their capacity to care for themselves and avoid burnout is even more limited and their children and family members are often targeted as well.

In the experience of the woman defender quoted above, “Your personal life is completely impacted when you are an environmentalist, when you protect nature. I developed an autoimmune disease and found out that I have a thyroid issue. The more I research this condition, the more I am convinced that my physical health is impacted by my emotional state. And it’s not just me - all the people involved in this have some sort of health issues that we developed due to our active involvement in this campaign. And we don’t have psychological support. We are trying literally not to drown.”

In research by the SAGE Fund about women defending their lands, territories, resources and the climate from extractive projects, many women interviewed said the psychological harm from online smear campaigns was one of the most significant and long-term forms of structural harm they face. While one in five attacks tracked by the Resource Centre over the past decade were against women, girls and gender diverse defenders, we know the scale is much higher as many attacks are never shared in the public realm due to social stigma and security concerns.

Sonia Guajajara COP25, 2019

Rights violations and criminalisation of Indigenous Peoples

Sonia Guajajara COP25, 2019

Rights violations and criminalisation of Indigenous Peoples

Co-authored with Indigenous Peoples Rights International (IPRI)

Indigenous Peoples are at the forefront of addressing the climate crisis, managing over 20% of the Earth’s land surface. Drawing upon thousands of years of expertise in environmental stewardship, Indigenous Peoples are vital leaders in protecting our planet.

Indigenous Peoples are on the frontlines of the climate crisis yet still face colonisation and systemic discrimination. Despite hard-won legal gains, their rights are routinely violated by states and corporations alike.

State and non-state actors continue to violate Indigenous Peoples’ rights to self-determination, cultural integrity, their land, territories and resources, and right to free, prior and informed consent (FPIC). Our research also reveals that Indigenous defenders experience a disproportionately high level of attacks, underscoring the targeted and systemic nature of these violations and abuses. Although Indigenous Peoples comprise approximately 6% of the world’s population, they have faced 21% of the recorded attacks over the past decade. This includes 1,320 instances of killings, death threats, judicial harassment, intimidation, abduction, arbitrary detention and other forms of attack, including online attacks against Indigenous defenders – 73% of which occurred in Latin America. Moreover, 20% of these attacks were targeted towards Indigenous women, two spirit and gender diverse defenders. Fear of reprisal means many attacks on Indigenous Peoples go unreported, meaning actual numbers are likely much higher. Indigenous defenders are also more likely to be killed than non-Indigenous defenders. One in four attacks on Indigenous defenders ends in murder – nearly double the rate for non-Indigenous defenders. The highest number of Indigenous defenders killed were recorded in Brazil, followed by the Philippines and Mexico.

These attacks are driven by a combination of factors that enable encroachment of business actors on Indigenous Peoples’ lands and territories with impunity, or even with the support of state actors. Colonialism and systemic racism have entrenched power imbalances, deliberately excluding Indigenous Peoples from decision-making and limiting their access to justice and remedy. States often inherently prioritise unsustainable economic growth through extractive, energy and infrastructure projects over Indigenous Peoples’ rights to their lands and resources. When Indigenous communities raise their concerns – such as the denial of self-determination, FPIC and violation of their land rights – they often face violence and criminalisation by police, military and courts. Indigenous women face increased vulnerability to abuse, including rape and sexual violence, by company security personnel. State neglect and denial of rights creates a power vacuum exploited by organised crime, paramilitaries and business to seize control of Indigenous Peoples’ lands.

In the face of ongoing violence, Indigenous communities are standing stronger together. In 2024, IPRI documented 20 emblematic cases of rights violations, directly affecting 703 people harmed by palm oil, mining and dam projects in the Philippines, Guatemala and Peru. Through its Legal Defense and Sanctuary Fund, IPRI offered critical financial and legal support, helping Indigenous leaders and communities resist injustice and amplify their voices on the global stage.

Indigenous communities have also secured vital legal victories, advanced corporate accountability, led in protection of biodiversity, and are charting the way forward for the just energy transition. Several business projects have faced significant financial and legal risks due to alleged failure to respect Indigenous Peoples’ rights. Malaysian palm oil giant Sime Darby, for example, spent more than USD200 million on its operations in Liberia and filed a USD26.81 million impairment for the 2018 financial year, after failing to secure FPIC. Facing widespread community opposition and legal challenges, the company ultimately sold its plantation assets for just USD1, leading to significant financial write-offs and losses. Other examples include the cancellation of EDF’s Guna Sicarú project in Mexico and Enel suspending its Windpeshi project in Colombia due to protests and delays. These cases highlight the substantial risks businesses face when they ignore or override Indigenous Peoples’ rights. Beyond financial losses, these conflicts delay projects, erode investor confidence and damage company reputations.

As resource competition intensifies amid the climate crisis and geopolitical tensions, Indigenous defenders face growing threats. Without full implementation of the UNDRIP and the integration of Indigenous Peoples’ rights in the energy transition, there is risk of escalating violence and undermining the vital contributions of Indigenous Peoples in protecting the planet. States and businesses must act now to ensure rights-based, equitable, inclusive and sustainable climate action.

Indigenous Peoples protest Brasilia Brazil 2025

Collective protection: Communities defending themselves

Indigenous Peoples protest Brasilia Brazil 2025

Collective protection: Communities defending themselves

Co-authored with Zero Tolerance Initiative

Across the world, Indigenous Peoples, Afro-descendant communities and local environmental HRDs have developed their own systems of protection against violence, criminalisation and displacement. From guarding their territories against deforestation to organising rapid response networks, collective protection is not just about security – it is about survival.

For many communities, the threats they face are not isolated acts of violence against leaders but part of broader patterns of intimidation against the collective, designed to drive them from their lands. Companies seeking to exploit resources, criminal groups profiting from deforestation, and even government actors complicit in these abuses use a combination of coercion, smear campaigns, legal harassment and direct attacks to undermine community resistance. In response, communities have developed collective protection strategies that are deeply rooted in the local dynamics, social structures, ancestral knowledge and collective decision-making.

Collective protection strategies can take multiple forms and are tailor-made based on the needs and dynamics of each community and the threats they face. Some communities establish their own Indigenous guards who patrol and monitor their territory. Some develop protocols that set out the terms on how companies should interact with them, while others strengthen their governance systems to prevent external actors from dividing them.

Research by the Zero Tolerance Initiative analysed several collective protection strategies in Latin America. One emblematic example is the Women’s Indigenous Guard of Napo, Yuturi Warmi in Ecuador. In 2020, when mining operations began without the FPIC of the communities, Indigenous Kichwa women in the Ecuadorian Amazon organised to defend their territory. From the start, they faced threats – one of their leaders received this chilling message: “They told the main leaders that instead of having a carnival party, they should be buying coffins.” Despite the risks, they stood firm. “We said that we would not allow any of this. It was the women who sowed the seed.” Their resistance inspired others, with women from nearby communities joining in solidarity. Today, Yuturi Warmi has around 30 active members. Declaring themselves a Guardia Indígena, they organise to monitor the territory, expel miners, and protect their land, ancestral traditions, medicine, education and livelihood projects. “We encompass all of this. It was difficult for us to try to separate out these different aspects because, really, without unifying these approaches, we can’t defend our territory,” says María José Andrade Cerda, one of the group’s members.

In focus: Wins

Despite the serious risks and violence HRDs have faced over the past decade, their courageous resistance has led to regulatory reforms, passage of new laws, accountability for harm, and more responsible business practice.

U'wa Nation

U'wa Indigenous people vs. Colombia

U'wa Nation

U'wa Indigenous people vs. Colombia

In 2024, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights issued a decision in the case of the U’wa Indigenous People vs. Colombia, addressing human rights abuses from state-authorised oil, gas and mining projects on the U’wa People. According to Earth Rights International,  “[f]or the first time, the Court has referenced the “triple planetary crisis” of pollution, biodiversity loss and the climate crisis in relation to the state obligation to respect and guarantee the right to a healthy environment, with important implications for the intersection of business, human rights, and Indigenous rights in Latin America.”

Photo: Laura Gómez Unda (courtesy of EarthRights International)

Sierra Leone road.jpg

Sierra Leone mining law

Sierra Leone road.jpg

Sierra Leone mining law

In August 2022, Sierra Leone enacted a new legislation requiring companies to obtain the explicit consent of local communities before commencing mining, industrial or farming activities. In addition, residents owning land will be able to veto any project affecting it.

The legislation also establishes local land use committees to make decisions about how community lands are managed, and mandates that those committees are comprised of at least 30% women. The new laws are considered to be among the most protective of communities globally.

SAVE rivers malaysia

SAVE Rivers: #StopTheSlapp

SAVE rivers malaysia

SAVE Rivers: #StopTheSlapp

In September 2023, the logging company Samling Plywood withdrew a defamation lawsuit against SAVE Rivers, which had been initiated in 2021. SAVE Rivers is a grass-roots NGO based in Sarawak, Borneo, in Maylasia that works with Indigenous Peoples to protect land, rivers and watersheds from environmental damage, preserve biodiversity and support Indigenous Peoples in defending their rights. The lawsuit followed a series of articles published on the SAVE Rivers website that drew attention to the concerns of Indigenous communities affected by the granting of a logging certification. In response, SAVE Rivers launched a global solidarity campaign entitled #StoptheSLAPP to push fight back against the SLAPP case.

We celebrate the progress and achievements of this decade - below is a timeline of some of those developments. A more detailed overview will be available in a forthcoming report commissioned by International Service for Human Rights and supported by the Resource Centre.

Looking forward and recommendations

These developments highlight that positive change and a more just, sustainable future – one that centers respect for human rights and nature – is possible. With just five years remaining to meet the terms of the Paris Agreement and help mitigate the worst impacts of the climate crisis, it is ever more urgent for business actors to fulfill their responsibility to respect human rights and to be champions of responsible business practice. Listening to and repecting the rights of HRDs is essential, as well as using their voice in support of open civic space. Drawing upon learnings from the past decade, the following recommendations provide a path to realising sustainable, rights-respecting economies.

states

States

states

States

Recommendations for states

  • Pass and implement legislation recognising the right to defend rights and the vital role of HRDs in promoting human rights, sustainable development, and a healthy environment, as well as committing to zero-tolerance for attacks (more detailed recommendations are available here). This must include legal recognition of the specific rights of Indigenous and Afro-descendant peoples (more detailed recommendations available here).
  • Take measures to foster a safe, respectful and enabling environment for civil society, including repealing any legislation that criminalises HRDs and their exercise of the freedoms of expression, assembly and association.
  • Implement the Paris Agreement fully and accede to or, if already ratified, fully implement key international and regional standards protecting the civic freedoms of HRDs, including ensuring public participation in discussions and decisions about climate change and the environment.
  • Pass national laws to implement the UNGPs, including mandatory human rights due diligence legislation, and consult with HRDs at all stages of this process. This legislation should mandate that business actors engage in ongoing safe and effective consultation with HRDs and other rightsholders potentially or directly affected, should be an integral part of climate mitigation and adaptation plans, and should be aligned with the UN working group’s guidance on defenders and other key standards mentioned above (more detailed recommendations available here).
  • Collect and report dataon non-lethal and lethal attacks to inform more effective protection mechanisms and pass anti-SLAPP legislation to prevent companies silencing HRDs (more detailed recommendations available here).
  • Ensure effective remedy for violations when they occur, including by strengthening judicial systems to end impunity and holding businesses accountable for acts of retaliation against HRDs, and actively participating in investigation and prosecution of those responsible for attacks.
  • Actively and constructively engage in negotiations for the adoption of a binding UN treaty on business and human rights and ensure it explicitly recognises the risks HRDs face and their right to defend human rights.
Companies

Companies

Companies

Companies

Recommendations for companies

  • Adopt and implement public policy commitments,  which recognise the valuable role of HRDs, reference specific risks to HRDs, ensure effective engagement and consultation with HRDs at all stages of the due diligence process, and commit to zero-tolerance for reprisals throughout the company’s operations, supply chains and business relationships.
  • Accompany policy commitments by implementation guidance and plans, in line with the UN Working Group on Business and Human Rights’ guidance, and civil society advice on appropriate indicators to monitor progress.
  • Engage in and report on the results of human rights and environmental due diligence that integrates a gender perspective throughout and ensure effective access to remedy for those harmed by business activity, in accordance with the UNGPs, the UN Working Group’s guidance on ensuring respect for HRDs, and the UN Working Group’s gender guidance.
  • Recognise Indigenous defenders are disproportionately at risk and create and implement public commitments to respect Indigenous Peoples’ rights, grounded in their rights to self-determination (lands, territories and resources), and right to FPIC, including their right to define the process by which FPIC is achieved and to withhold consent (more detailed recommendations available here).
  • Publicly commit to remedy adverse impacts on HRDs it has caused or contributed to and to work with suppliers to remedy adverse impacts directly linked to its operations, products and services. This includes establishing and adequately resourcing safe, effective and accessible UNGP-aligned grievance and accountability mechanisms that include protections for HRDs and whistle-blowers, handle third party complaints and provide robust follow-up to address and provide redress for grievances.
  • Publicly recognise HRDs have a right to defend human rights and are essential allies in assisting businesses to adhere to their responsibilities under the UNGPs.
  • Refrain from any lobbying, political spending and other direct or indirect forms of political engagement to support limits on civic freedoms, or to weaken laws to hold companies accountable for human rights abuses and environmental destruction.
Investors

Investors

Investors

Investors

Recommendations for investors

  • Publish a human rights policy which recognises the valuable role of HRDs in identifying risks associated with business activities and commits to a zero-tolerance approach to attacks against them. Clearly communicate the human rights expectations included in this policy to portfolio companies, including that companies:
    • disclose human rights and environment-related risks;
    • engage in ongoing consultation with communities, workers and HRDs;
    • have policies and processes to respect Indigenous Peoples’ rights (including land rights and FPIC);
    • respect the rights of HRDs; and
    • ensure effective access to remedy when harm occurs.
  • Undertake rigorous human rights and environmental due diligence that integrates a gender perspective throughout and review potential investees for any past involvement with retaliation. This includes consulting with rightsholders and not relying on company self-disclosure as to whether Indigenous Peoples’ right to FPIC was respected.
  • Avoid investing in companies with a history of human rights and environmental harms and retaliation against HRDs.
  • Use leverage with investee companies which cause, contribute to or are directly linked to human rights and environmental harms, including attacks on HRDs, so the company mitigates negative impacts and provides access to remedy to those affected.

We express our deep gratitude to human rights defenders across the globe who bravely speak out, organise, and take action to defend human rights and our planet. We honour and celebrate their work. We are also grateful to the many civil society organisations, communities, and journalists who document the vital work of HRDs raising concerns about corporate harm and the attacks they face, as well as everyone who contributed to this report. This research would not be possible without them.


Lead Authors: Lady Nancy Zuluaga Jaramillo and Christen Dobson

Researchers: Ana Žbona, Lady Nancy Zuluaga Jaramillo, Hannah Matthews, Vitória Dell’Aringa Rocha, Dylan Lebecki, Christen Dobson, Vladyslava Kaplina, Ella Skybenko, Gerald Kankya, Anithra Varia, Andrea Maria Pelliconi, Valentina Muñoz, Claudia Ignacio Alvarez, Silvana Vanessa Mena Hernández, Alejandro Guzmán Woodroffe, Laura Perez Estevez, Leonor Gomes and Sonja Stara

Case study co-authors: ALLIED, Asian NGO Coalition for Agrarian Reform and Rural Development (ANGOC), Bantay Kita, Cambodian Journalists Alliance Association (CamboJA), Fondo de Acción Urgente para América Latina y el Caribe, Global Rights Advocacy, Iniciativa Mesoamericana de Mujeres (IM-Defensoras), Indigenous Peoples Rights International (IPRI), Red Nacional de Defensoras en Honduras, Organización Fraternal Negra Hondureña (OFRANEH), TrendAsia, Urgent Action Fund for Feminist Activism, Zero Tolerance Initiative

Business & Human Rights Resource Centre is an international NGO which tracks the human rights impacts of over 10,000 companies in over 180 countries, making information available on our 10-language website. The Resource Centre’s Civic Freedoms and Human Rights Defenders programme addresses the root causes of killings and violence against human rights and environmental defenders linked to company operations and global supply chains; advocates for rights-respecting practices and accountability among corporate actors; and increases rapid action and longer-term involvement of business actors in support of defenders and civic freedoms to prevent attacks against defenders so that they can safely champion human rights.

Further reading

People power under pressure: Human rights defenders & business in 2023

In 2023 the Business & Human Rights Resource Centre recorded 630 instances of attacks against people raising concerns about business-related harms. Read our annual analysis of the data.

Guardians at risk: Confronting corporate abuse in Latin America and the Caribbean

Latin America and the Caribbean is one of the most dangerous regions in the world for human rights defenders (HRDs). Between January 2015 and December 2022 (inclusive), we identified nearly 2,000 attacks against HRDs in Latin America and the Caribbean, representing 42% of total attacks (4,700) recorded worldwide.

Protector not prisoner: Exploring rights violations and criminalisation of Indigenous Peoples in climate actions

This briefing, co-published with Indigenous Peoples Rights International, explores how climate actions which do not center human rights have been harmful to Indigenous peoples, as well as the scale of attacks Indigenous defenders face when protecting their lands, territories, natural resources, and communities from such projects.

Human rights defenders and civic freedoms

Explore all our resources on HRDs and civic freedoms.

Human rights defenders database

Explore our database of attacks against business-related human rights defenders.

SLAPPs

Explore all our resources on strategic lawsuits against public participation.

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